Pico Iyer Journeys

Nagano 1998: Into The Heartland

For many of us, Japan has come to mean crowded trains, high-tech gadgets, efficient systems, cool reserve–a neon blur, in the imagination, of pencil-thin high-rises in which traders in dark suits mutter into cell phones. Or, if not the hard realism of Tokyo’s office blocks, then the gossamer romance of Kyoto’s teahouses, all exquisite restraint and antique silence. Though both these sides are suddenly in evidence in Olympic Nagano, for most of its life the city and the village venues all around it have offered a down-home, uncrowded, friendly Japan where some of the hard hats along Kencho-dori (Prefectural Office Street) are women and are wearing lipstick. The “Games from the Heart” the organizers promise are Games from the Heartland of a slow-paced, half-forgotten countryside that could almost be called Japan’s New England.

To many Americans who’ve never before set foot in Japan, Nagano may at first look like Atlanta with jet lag–an “industrial and technology-intensive city,” as its brochures boast, larger than Newark, N.J., and lined along its broad boulevards with a cacophony of gas stations (called Apple), coffee shops (called Apple Grimm) and supermarkets (called Apple Land). There are seven Kentucky Fried Chicken parlors in Nagano, its literature attests, two Mister Donuts and a Denny’s.

But to Japanese city dwellers, used to even snazzier Vuitton and Panasonic pleasures, Nagano has the charm of a big city’s drawling country cousin, an apple-cheeked, wood-burning relative still known to eat raw horsemeat and pond snails and crickets. In a chestnut-filled village just 30 min. from central Nagano, a ruddy-faced high school boy gets off his bike to walk a visitor to his destination. An old woman at a country bus station counts out change with an abacus. The driver of a Highland Express cab (working 24-hr. shifts) is a robust woman with a basket of huge apples by her side. Nagano is a world of deep, ancestral sounds: the traditional melody of a potato seller audible downtown; the mournful strains of an enka ballad (often known as Japanese country-and-western) in a tiny noodle shop; the martial tunes that reverberate around the old battlefield near the Olympic Village.

Nagano, though only 120 miles northwest of Tokyo, has long been the provincial capital farthest in time from the center of Japan since unlike the cities on the outlying islands of Hokkaido and Okinawa, it has never had an airport. Even now, with a million Olympic visitors expected, the nearest airport to the Main Press Center consists of a modest, two-story box appointed with exactly four check-in counters and one baggage carousel, 75 min. away by (very occasional) bus. As your plane takes off from Matsumoto, the technicians all line up on the tarmac to wave goodbye.

Throughout its history, Nagano has been renowned as a temple town, home to one of Japan’s most ecumenical Buddhist centers, Zenkoji, a 40-structure complex set against the mountains. The cypress-roofed temple is the city’s center of gravity, marked on all the highway signs. Zenkoji announces itself with the shock of pounding drums, the smell of burning incense, the flutter of white-paper prayers. Somewhere inside its main hall is what is said to be the first Buddha image ever to arrive in Japan, so precious that only a replica is displayed once every seven years.

At dawn the grave walls shake with the sound of gongs and bells and clappers, and priests huddled in green robes, or all in black, gather around a brazier, drinking tea. A high priest in orange robes, followed by an attendant carrying a red umbrella, delivers blessings on the heads of rows of crouching petitioners. Underneath the main hall is the temple’s most charged metaphorical space, an underground passageway, black as the womb, in which the visitor, sightless, is invited to fumble through the cold and dark in search of a “Key to Paradise.”

A traditional magnet for Buddhist pilgrims, Zenkoji is approached past a long line of shops selling religious artifacts (though, this being Japan, they also offer pink bunnies and nudie telephone cards). Sidewalks brim with tables full of dried apricots and pumpkin seeds and sachets of apple tea. For all its modern accessories, Nagano remains a farmers’ town sought out for its pickles, its horseradishes and its homemade buckwheat noodles. Next to the feminine grace notes of a Kyoto, say, the northern city feels a decidedly masculine place. Its colors are brown and black, its aesthetic one of straw and stone. On its southern edge is Matsushiro, a castle town of old samurai houses and the remains of a military academy; to the north is Togakushi, a sacred, templed mountain favored by ascetics and home to a ninja museum.

Tibet in Hollywood

Tibet has always cast a dangerously strong spell upon visitors from abroad. When the first major European expedition marched on Lhasa in 1904, led by Colonel Younghusband at the behest of his old friend Lord Curzon, it ended up slaughtering in just four minutes, near the village of Guru, almost seven hundred bewildered Tibetans, who had been protected mostly by paper charms bearing the Thirteenth Dalai Lama’s seal. A few days later, at Red I dol Gorge, the British killed nearly two hundred more, their own casualties amounting to just three wounded.

Yet when Younghusband arrived in Lhasa, he found a Tibetan regent in power who “more nearly approached Kipling’s lama in Kim than any other Tibetan I had met,” and, on his final night in the “Forbidden City,” having concluded a typically ambiguous Anglo-Tibetan agreement (unsigned by the Chinese), he rode off into the mountains to take one final look at the scene. Suddenly, the career officer reported, he felt an unusual exhilaration that “thrilled through me with overpowering intensity. Never again could I think evil, or ever be at enmity with any man. All nature and all humanity were bathed in a rosy glowing radiancy.” Returning to London as a popular hero (while the treaty was systematically watered down), he retired from the service that had brought him a knighthood, and founded a World Congress of Faiths, a rosy, glowing brotherhood aimed at uniting the major religions of the world.

Eighty years later, Paul Theroux, hardly a sentimental traveler, after four hundred pages of recording his difficulties and disappointments while traveling through mainland China, grows misty and almost worshipful as soon as he sets foot in Tibet. “The Tibetans are indestructible,” he writes in Riding the Iron Rooster with a hopefulness that seems not his own, and Lhasa is “a bright little war-torn town full of jolly monks and friendly pilgrims.” After noting that an early European explorer burst into tears at the sight of a nearby mountain, Theroux concludes, “The setting is more than touching—it is a bewitchment…. Who wouldn’t burst into tears?” His story and his book end with a prayer addressed to the mountains, in the hope that he may return.

The net result of decades of such accounts, however fitful—and largely because they are fitful—is that we have condemned Tibet, from afar, to the status of a Lost Horizon, a semi-fictive sanctuary from the world that we can visit in imagination or (as in Younghusband’s case) use for our own strategic interests. Tibet became the place where the visitor can transcend the pressures of Realpolitik, and not worry about worldly concerns (because, in the popular fairy tale, it is the place that has no concerns about the world). This lies at the heart, no doubt, of what Melvyn C. Goldstein, in his rigorously unsentimental account of Sino-Tibetan history,1 calls “the bad friend syndrome,” whereby, for centuries, outsiders have marveled at a region that seems out of this world and, while admiring its unworldliness, have done little, practically, to protect it. Shangri-La, we like to believe, has less need of us than we of it.

The Tibetans themselves, in recent years, have been anxious not to participate in this illusion—the Dalai Lama has repeatedly said that his country’s isolation was largely to blame for its recent tragic history. In 1950, when Tibet appealed to the United Nations for help as Chinese troops attacked its eastern frontiers, it received no response; indeed, the two countries that were supposed to be its patrons, Britain and India, were the first to suggest that the Tibetan case not be considered. Perhaps the saddest moment in all the sad pages of Palden Gyatso’s impressively calm Autobiography of a Tibetan Monk,3 a simple, unrancorous account of his thirty-three years in Chinese prisons (for the crime of being a monk), comes when word gets out that the Dalai Lama is setting up an office in America. “Now America, the most powerful nation in the world, is helping the Dalai Lama, it won’t be long before we are free!” another prisoner reports excitedly. That was in 1965; a few years later, the inmates learn that Kissinger is going to Beijing, and then Nixon.

And so we find ourselves in the current, unprecedented state of affairs in which a culture long famous for its remoteness from the world has been forced to try to sell that remoteness in a desperate attempt to save itself, and to market the unusual charisma of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in order to draw attention to a Chinese occupation that by 1969 had left not a single practicing monk in Tibet. Warning last year that his homeland will be extinct in ten or fifteen years unless something is done to rescue it, the Dalai Lama has found himself obliged to co-operate in the dissemination and possible distortion of Tibetan culture so as to ensure that there is still a Tibetan culture to distort. And, having gained almost nothing from his visits to the back rooms of the chancelleries of the West, he has come, in his pragmatic way, to the same conclusion that Gore Vidal suggested years ago: that these days, more and more, the real capital of world power is less Washington than Hollywood.

When I asked the Dalai Lama last year to identify the single hardest aspect of his complicated life, he instantly replied, “Meeting with politicians. Because the problem is so big that even if these leaders sincerely want to help, they cannot do anything.” And so the incongruous sight of a modest, philosophically rigorous monk who’s believed to be a god of compassion negotiating for fifty years with Washington, Beijing, and New Delhi has been compounded by the even stranger sight of that same monk taking his case to Larry King Live, posing for photographs with Steven Seagal, and lending his name to books about the Internet.

In an oddly contemporary mixing of media, the Tibetan leaders have found that the attention they cannot get through formal political channels they can effortlessly win in pop-concert halls, cineplexes, and the pages of glossy magazines. And the Dalai Lama has taken himself directly to the people of the world in a cause that is coming to seem as implicated with fashion as Nicaragua was ten years ago. At the very least, the Tibetan situation suggests a new kind of pop globalism in which the Walt Disney Company sends Henry Kissinger to advance its interests in Beijing, while members of musical groups called Public Enemy and Porno for Pyros agitate for a “free Tibet.”

Castro's Resilient Masses

The 9-year-old Cuban boy with the cataract in his eye showed me the condoms he had used as balloons at his birthday party. He pulled out the single stick of gum he’d been chewing for a week. He brought over the two tattered photo albums he’d stuffed with pieces of Carnation labels, stickers that said “Knorr’s Soup” and ads for Nescafe — status symbols in the Havana fourth grade. His mother, a policewoman and a staunch Fidelista who refused to accept gifts from a visitor, proudly pointed out photos of her cousins’ suburban home and Nissan in Miami.

Everyone in Cuba knows that the country is bankrupt; everyone knows that almost anything must be better than the steady supply of nothing that the Government offers. Everyone can see that the whole island is shuddering to a halt, like the 40-year-old Plymouths that line the streets of a city where gasoline is illegal. Prostitution, which was scarcely visible (if only for security reasons) five years ago, is pandemic now: the tourist hotels are filled with Cuban teen-agers reddening their lips with children’s crayons.

The Government billboards used to proclaim, “We Are Happy Here.” Now they say only, “We Are Here.” The official currency is more or less the dollar. And while more and more people turn to santeria, the Cuban equivalent of voodoo, as a source of miracles, the offerings of food they leave out in the streets for the gods are all too often filched by hungry neighbors.

It would not take an ironist to see that after 35 years of revolution, Fidel Castro has succeeded in turning his land into precisely the kind of Babylon he once came to scourge: a nest of brothels and drugs, dependent on foreign income, where the greatest symbols of power are visiting capitalists.

Yet Cubans have been living off next to nothing for decades. On my annual visit to the island in February, I was struck by the fact that the typical income was down to $1.30 a month, and yet this still seemed enough to put food on the table. Friends kept talking about the Golden Age — before the collapse of the East Bloc in 1989; I didn’t remind them that they had been delivering much the same elegies in 1987.

Sometimes it seems as if the country’s psychological reserves may be emptying: “Before, we could blame everything on the Soviets,” one friend told me. “But now the Soviets are gone, and things are worse than ever.” But just as often, people noted that at least there was nobody starving on the streets.

It is easy to forget, amid the dramatic images of people risking their lives to flee in makeshift boats, that Cubans have had a crash course in suffering and sacrifice for decades now. They have developed reserves of resourcefulness and patience that would put the rest of us to shame.

Nearly all of them are seasoned experts at making do and finding ways around the system: trading a little tomato sauce for the promise of some rum, fixing a TV in exchange for a kiss. A tourist hustler I know once invited me to his flat for a dinner of lobster and Champagne. (Now he’s serving a year’s sentence in a labor camp for trading dollars. It wasn’t so bad, he told me with a smile when I visited — food was guaranteed there, and he was allowed to go home every six weeks.)

All of us know — and every Cuban knows — the ironies of a country with well-trained doctors and no medicine, with a highly educated population and no books. Yet what such miseries obscure is that for many Cubans, the alternatives to their all-too-familiar leader are not bright. More than half of all Cubans have known no other president, causing many to prefer the devil they know to the devil they don’t.

They look at his lieutenants, and see all of his severity and little of his intelligence; they look across the water to Miami, and see the people who held them down before, they feel, waiting to reclaim their mansions. They note with bitterness that gusanos — the “traitors” who fled, many of them in the Mariel boat lift — can now return to the island and be treated as royalty (foreigners with money!).

But they also acknowledge that their leader has made their tiny island, half as populous as Mexico City, a forceful player on the world stage. As in Vietnam, impatience with Marxism is mixed with a genuine, and often fervent, nationalism. There are many who would still prefer a self-ruled Cuba to one that’s tarted up.

Most Cubans realize that those who flee the country know almost nothing of what they’re going to, beyond what they’ve seen in foreign magazines. And those who arrive in the land of “Dynasty” dreams with little English and no training in a carrot-and-stick economy often end up in the poorest areas of Miami or New York, hustling drugs or joining gangs. One friend I know who made it here as a political refugee quickly wrote back to his equally restless friends in Havana to stay put: America was not for the weak, he said, and — believe it or not — the reports of homelessness and poverty were true!

The most recent letter I got from Cuba, last week, said, “I would like to see the end of this bad dream: no food, no medicine, no transportation, no electricity, no water . . . .” Yet the writer, an actress, concluded, “My country is in crisis, but I am not.”

Americans are wise to see the thousands of Cubans taking to the seas as exemplars of a widespread dissatisfaction with a country that asks everything of its people and gives almost nothing in return; but we would be wiser still to recall the many millions more who, through inertia or trepidation or even a kind of qualified patriotism, choose to sit things out.

In The Blazing Eye of the Inferno

The ironies, of course, begin to multiply as soon as a life comes unraveled: in retrospect, everything seems an augury. One night before, the local TV station had announced that the conditions — 106 degrees heat, gale-force winds and drought-stricken hills — were the best for a fire in 100 years. That day, at lunch, I had been talking with a friend whose mother had just died, about the pathos of going through old belongings. And when, at the optician’s office that evening, my doctor stepped out to go and sniff at what he thought might be a fire, I sat back and fumed with impatience.

By 6 o’clock I was in my home, a remote hillside house alone on a ridge, surrounded by acres of wild brush. The fire started along our road, just half a mile away, at 6:02. Two friends, arriving at that moment, pointed to the jagged line of orange tearing down the hillside like a waterfall and splitting the brush open like a knife through fruit. Then the electricity went off. Then the phones went dead. By 6:10, huge curls of flame were hurtling over the ridge a few feet from the house.

I had time only to grab my ancient cat, Minnie, and the manuscript of a book just two weeks from completion. By the time I tried to jump into my car to drive away, walls of flame were jumping over the driveway, scorching my face and shrouding the house in an angry orange haze. The three of us leaped, pursued by flames, into a van, and started to race down the mountain road. Within 50 yards, we knew we could go no farther. Flames 70 feet high were cresting over the curve of the hill on one side, and on the other, currents of orange were slicing up the slope toward us. Everywhere I turned, rivulets of orange were pouring across the hills like molten lava, sweeping up trees and feasting on houses. At times we were unable to breathe as the 70 m.p.h. wind whipped ashes all around, so strong we could not open the door. Our van was alone in the heart of the inferno, and there was nothing we could do but pray.

Only one other person was in view, a man in shorts with a water truck, standing alone in the road trying, through smarting eyes, to contain the flames with a hose. Alone, he aimed his hose at waves of flame that crashed like waves around us, now coming to a crest, and now, for a while, subsiding, until suddenly they were there again, leaping over a ridge and bearing down upon us.

Soon we were gagging at the fumes. The cat was panting feverishly, we were hosing down our van and our bodies with water from the truck. I had never before known how swift fire could be, and how efficient. Occasionally, the air would clear, and we would see the blue above the mountains; then the smoke was around us again, and a column of orange looming above. Someone pointed out that the one book we’d inadvertently managed to bring with us was called All the Right Places.

We waited, stranded, for about two hours, two of us with Minnie in the van, while the other two heroically battled the flames. The fire surged up the hill like dogs jumping at a fence. A helicopter appeared, but then was lost again in the smoke and the spitting ashes. A fire truck came up the road at last, but its consolation was brief: we could not go down the hill, they said, nor up. We squeezed together in the van, Verdi playing on the radio, and watched my room turn into a gutted skeleton.

As darkness fell, the scene grew ever more surreal. A car came racing up the hill, snatched and chased by licking flames. In front of us, the hulks of other cars were blazing. A man caked in soot appeared, looking for his horse. As night began to deepen, the dark hills acquired necklaces of orange, and the sky around us was a locust-cloud of ashes. And, when we were told that it was the time to make a break for it, we finally raced down the mountain through a scene more beautiful and unreal than any Vietnam-movie fire fight: beside us, houses were turning into outlines of themselves, the blackness was electric with orange, and cars were burning as calmly as a family hearth. Burning logs and the corpses of small animals blocked the middle of the road as we sped through clouds of ashes, the sky above us turning an infernal dusty yellow.

By dawn next morning, everything was gone. Smoke hissed out of melting cracks, and an occasional small fire burned. All the signs of life were there, but everything was hushed. Later, officials announced that the fire was probably caused by arson. On Saturday, Santa Barbara was declared a federal disaster area. Fifteen years of daily notes and books half written, of statues and photos and memories, were gone. My only solace came from the final irony. In the manuscript I had saved, I had quoted the poem of the 17th century Japanese wanderer Basho, describing how destruction can sometimes bring a kind of clarity:

My house burned down.

Now I can better see

The rising moon.

Whispers Behind the Slogans

“The minimizing of entry red tape reveals that you are expected and welcome to this land of gorgeous adventure and the limber elbow,” notes the 1938 Blue Guide to Cuba in summoning Americans to the nearby island. Nowadays, of course, the situation is different. For more than two decades, Cuba has been virtually off limits to U.S. citizens. Recently, however, TIME Contributor Pico Iyer was able to spend roughly three weeks as a tourist on Fidel Castro’s island on two separate trips. His impressions:

The studio apartment is hidden away amid the rambling old Mafia hotels and quiet leafy parks of Vedado, Havana’s modern midtown district. Like many a Cuban home, it has a dusty attic quality, the poignancy of a well-cared-for poverty. The apartment’s contents are fairly typical. A high shelf has been turned into a home-made altar, crowded with Catholic icons. Below is a shelf stuffed with the works of Spinoza, Graham Greene, Raymond Chandler. Between the two is a huge black-and-white TV set on which, boasts its owner, he can sometimes catch programs from the U.S. All through the place a ceaseless whine crackles out of a bright red Phillips boom box, bought under the counter for $800 and tuned now to Radio Marti, the anti-Castro station run by Cuban exiles in Miami. Every now and then, the hum of the half-jammed station is drowned out by the squawks of a rooster named Reagan. Why Reagan? Because, says his keeper, his alarms, unlike those of certain local leaders, are brief and to the point.

The owner of the tiny cell, a government worker, acquired it through a bribe and maintains it with the extra money he has made surreptitiously taping and transcribing each week for five years the American Top 40 Countdown, broadcast on a commercial station in Florida. By day he serves his country; by night, like many young Cubans, he dreams of escape. “If ever I get to the U.S.,” he says with a wistful smile, “I could get a job in Hollywood. All my life I have learned how to act. Sometimes I smile inside, it is so crazy.”

The qualities that hit a visitor most forcibly on arrival in Cuba are its beauty and its buoyancy: the crooked streets and sunlit Spanish courtyards of Old Havana; the chrome-polished 1953 Chevrolets that croak along tree-lined streets past faded but still gracious homes of lemon yellow, orange and sky blue; the warm breeze that comes off the sea at night. In contrast to the gray functionalism of other Communist countries, Cuba is, after all, a decidedly Caribbean island of gaiety and light. On balmy nights, the sound of rumbas pulses through Coppelia, the central park, where brightly dressed teenagers strut around in love or else in search of it. On a brilliant Sunday afternoon in spacious Lenin Park, a steel band lays down a lilting beat and khaki- uniformed officials wave their caps in time to the music. Yet beneath the infectious island rhythms, there is a sad, steady whisper. “If there were no sea between us and the U.S.,” says a musician under his breath, “this place would be empty tomorrow.”

As Castro’s Revolution shuffles through its 29th year, many Cubans are surprisingly ready to voice, however quietly, their impatience with a system that still seems stranded in its noisy infancy. Almost no one would deny that health and education, both free, have improved considerably since the days of Dictator Fulgencio Batista. Grinding poverty has been erased. Drugs and prostitution, which flourished when the place was a raffish offshore playground for Americans, have now gone underground. But in the face of those advances, the man in the Havana street is still unable to speak or travel as he pleases. Money is more than ever in desperately short supply. “Cuba is suffering an economic crisis of massive proportions,” says a foreign diplomat. “Here is a country with no free press, no opposition parties, no capital flight, a controlled economy and $4.6 billion from the Soviets each year — and they’re still, in hard-currency terms, almost bankrupt.”

That chaos is everywhere apparent. Though Cubans have to pay only about 10% of their salary for rent — often barely $10 a month — they must spend twice as much just to buy an imported deck of playing cards. Block-long lines of people wait nine hours through the night and six hours more to get into the Centro department store, still commonly known by its prerevolutionary name, Sears, where government surplus items are sold at extortionate prices ($2 for a small bar of chocolate). “We have some good news and some bad news,” runs the local joke. “The bad news is that everyone is going to have to eat stones; the good news is that there are not enough to go around.”

With money scarce, and goods even scarcer, a diplomat observes, “crooked deals multiply until they ensure that the economic plan can never work.” Some people take photos, fix jalopies or do typing on the side; others simply try to resell the goods they manage to procure. The rampant finagling is only encouraged by a bureaucracy with so many hands that none is likely to know what the others are doing: in a Havana telephone directory, the list of ministries takes up 77 pages.

Scroll to top